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650-331 - SP Video Phase II Wireline - Dump Information

Vendor : Cisco
Exam Code : 650-331
Exam Name : SP Video Phase II Wireline
Questions and Answers : 20 Q & A
Updated On : April 23, 2019
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650-331 SP Video Phase II Wireline

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650-331 exam Dumps Source : SP Video Phase II Wireline

Test Code : 650-331
Test Name : SP Video Phase II Wireline
Vendor Name : Cisco
Q&A : 20 Real Questions

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Cisco SP Video Phase II

Evolution of Key Cisco management Positions

Cisco’s long-standing belief has always been that organizations should evolve to pressure forward and lead via market transitions.  The identical is correct for our government ability.  Evolving our skill requires placing them in new roles, increasing their viewpoint and skill sets and bringing sparkling ideas and power to the company. here's what we’ve recently executed with Edzard Overbeek’s new circulation from SVP of our Asia-Pacific-Japan vicinity to move of our global features company and Bruce Klein’s flow from SVP of Public Sector sales to the top of our global associate firm.

over the past yr, we now have refocused our engineering firm for agility, enhanced determination making, and a renewed focus on innovation.  The market share numbers communicate for themselves and our client self assurance has by no means been more suitable.  we have a robust leadership group and the company community leaders have validated potent execution.  Now the time is appropriate for us to power the next part of our organizational evolution.

With that, we are pleased to announce Padmasree Warrior will expand her role to develop into Cisco’s Chief technology and strategy Officer the place she may be responsible for making a choice on customer and industry transitions and selecting Cisco’s method to address them.  Padma will work intently with Cisco’s engineering, field, operations and functions leadership, and will outline approach, investments, acquisitions and the evolution of Cisco’s technology associate ecosystem.   additionally, Padma can be chargeable for thought management round Cisco’s items and architectures, technical skill building and recruiting, and she will increase her time with external stakeholders.  The enterprise community CTO’s will document dotted line to Padma to permit robust alignment between technology method, company method and M&A recreation.  over the last 4 years, Padma has established an incredible music checklist of consequences, corresponding to building Cisco’s approach and execution round architectures, cloud, normal technology approach framework, and attracting and developing industry main technical ability.  We seem ahead to accelerating our market place below Padma’s strategic course.

After 13 years of first-rate provider to Cisco, Ned Hooper can be leaving the instant Cisco household to kind an independent funding partnership business and to pursue his aim to be a most important investor.  Ned has been engaged on his plan with us over a couple of months, and we seem to be forward to partnering with him in his new recreation.  Ned has a unique ardour and ability for funding and method, and will center of attention on this in the next section of his career.   Ned pioneered the model for enormous-scale M&A at Cisco and drove massive transactions for the enterprise comparable to Tandberg, WebEx, Airespace, Starent and NDS.  additionally, he has managed our $2B funding portfolio with both strategic and monetary returns to the company. Ned’s strategy and company development team will now record to Padma.  we might like to thank Ned for his contributions, leadership, friendship and his chronic pressure to all the time do the right aspect for Cisco.

at last, Pankaj Patel will anticipate the management of Cisco’s engineering corporation.  Pankaj will pressure innovation, operational excellence and agile building throughout our items, solutions and architectures, and continue to increase our relevance with our increasing consumer base.  Pankaj’s deep consumer relationships and extensive engineering expertise, mixed along with his ability to mentor and grow desirable engineering talent will serve Cisco well as we force the subsequent phase of engineering management for the business.  when you can be prevalent with Pankaj’s service provider adventure, he up to now spent 16 years within the commercial enterprise house.  over the past 13 years, Pankaj developed and grew Cisco’s service company company which these days accounts for about 35% of Cisco’s direct product income. Pankaj’s management in key provider company areas such as core routing, part routing, SP mobility and SP video has positioned Cisco extraordinarily smartly for the future. all over his tenure Pankaj has delivered a major number of products to the Cisco portfolio, addressing a wide range of consumer needs.  during the last yr because the co-chief of engineering, Pankaj has increased his involvement in Cisco’s business business, because the intersection elements between service issuer and commercial enterprise come closer collectively.

As we reside focused on being the optimum Cisco for our customers, partners, buyers and employees today, we never lose song of where we need to go in the future.  we are enthusiastic about this evolution in our firm. Please be a part of us in congratulating Padma, Pankaj and Ned on the next section of their respective journeys.

John Chambers and Gary Moore

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Podcast | Decoding 2019: Why India wants one other TN Seshan - to 'devour politicians for breakfast'

Rima M | Rakesh Sharma

Tirunellai Narayana Iyer Seshan is unexpectedly a towering presence once once more within the discourse about elections and the credibility of the Election commission of India. The now retired 1955 batch Indian Administrative service (IAS) officer of Tamil Nadu cadre, is superior remembered by means of Indians of a certain technology as a man who deep-cleaned the elections of the manipulative strategies and blatant opportunism employed by way of political leaders. in the process, he endeared himself to citizenry, whereas also offending politicians along with his damning punch strains.

with the aid of cracking down upon malpractices, the tenth Chief Election Commissioner of India (1990–96) brought in sweeping reforms in the approach elections were held. He had additionally previous served as the 18th cupboard Secretary of India in 1989. In 1996, he received the Ramon Magsaysay Award. all the time a self-willed force, Seshan even contested for the post of the President of India in 1997 and misplaced to okay.R. Narayanan.

On this version of Digging Deeper with Moneycontrol, we assess the Seshan impact, and what his legacy has been. My identify is Rakesh Sharma, and also you are being attentive to Moneycontrol.

The ask yourself years

TN Seshan was born on 15 December 1932 in Thirunellai, Palakkad district, Kerala and finally went on to study at Harvard college on Edward S. Mason Fellowship the place he earned a grasp's degree in public administration. interestingly, both he and E. Sreedharan, whom we now know because the Metro Man had been classmates at BEM excessive college and Victoria school in Palakkad. each of them had been eligible to examine Engineering in Kakinada (Jawaharlal Nehru Technological tuition). E. Sreedharan determined to pursue it, whereas T. N. Seshan decided to be a part of MCC (Madras Christian college).

an extra unique little bit of trivia. Seshan’s elder brother TN Lakshminarayanan changed into among the many toppers within the very first batch of Indian Administrative service (IAS).

In 1953, he changed into too younger to appear for IAS however on a whim, sat for the Indian Police service and stood first in India within the 1954 batch. The very subsequent year, he joined the 1955 batch of IAS and turned into one of the most good rankers. and very soon grew to be a celeb administrator and have become cupboard Secretary and Member, Planning fee of India, earlier than being appointed the executive Election Commissioner.

The wizard of transparency

As per govt statistics, right through TN Seshan’s tenure, sales space-shooting incidents diminished to 255 in 1993 from 873 in 1991.

In a system that places the onus of accountability on residents in place of public servants and policy makers, Seshan turned into an authoritarian who demanded transparency from the electoral gadget and people who commonly misused it.

There became a time when media observers labelled the stern course corrector as "Al-Seshan“ however Seshan, within the closing analysis, proved that he turned into no one’s pet and strictly implemented the election code of conduct, indeed guarded the constitutional promise of free and reasonable elections.

among the steps he took was that election officers would be drafted from states other than the one in the throes of polling to maintain impartiality.

Issuance of Voter IDs for all eligible voters got here into being below his watch.

He imposed limits on candidates’ expenditure and made the election commission machinery self sufficient with the aid of coming down challenging on malpractices like bribing or intimidation of voters, distribution of liquor and other sweets right through elections, the rampant use of legit equipment for campaigning, misuse of communal and casteist sentiments or areas of worship through politicians, and using blaring loudspeakers devoid of prior written permission.

Then and now

And that brings us to the questions being raised about the Election commission these days and the person at the helm of affairs. Sunil Arora, in distinction to the regularly roaring Seshan, has confirmed to be a fairly unobtrusive presence within the din that is 2019.

How amazing Seshan’s hang on the collective creativeness is, is evident from the fact that every few years, the false news of his dying receives forwarded on WhatsApp and creates a social media storm.

The lifestyle of fake information is so rampant now that one wonders how a person like Seshan would have handled it. sarcastically, the primary time the news of his supposed death unfold, even Union Minister of State Jitendra Singh shared the fake information on Twitter and also tagged the press assistance Bureau, together with 5 others together with Finance Minister Arun Jaitley. His tweet became even retweeted via the then head of the Ministry of counsel and Broadcasting, Smriti Irani.

It goes without saying that the blatant disregard for Election commission of India's model Code of conduct in these elections has made a big portion of observers look back at the Seshan era wistfully.

The model Code of habits is a group of guidelines issued by the Election fee for political parties and candidates specifically with admire to speeches, polling day behaviour, transparency at polling compartments, processions and conventional conduct.

On April 17, Former Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir Omar Abdullah mentioned that he hoped that the Election fee would muster the braveness to cling assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir, so the state's individuals may get an opportunity to decide on a new govt.

He advised NDTV, “i hope the Election commission has the courage to go against what the BJP is attempting to ensure right here. i hope during this case, during this Election commission, we see the hues of TN Seshan or previous Chief Election Commissioners who didn't toe the government line and decided what changed into within the pastime of the supplier.”

On April 17, 2019 once more, Umesh Raghuvanshi wrote in Hindustan instances how a day after the Election fee temporarily barred 4 leaders -- UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath, Union minister Maneka Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati and SP chief Azam Khan -- from campaigning for violating mannequin code of conduct, the focus turned into back on the powers that the fee as soon as enjoyed to ensure free and fair polls.

We quote, “The observations made by means of the representative of the Election commission that “we found we have powers”, made in the Supreme court docket, have become a degree of discussion with many officers who recalled how the 10th chief election commissioner (CEC) of India TN Seshan (1990-96) stamped the fee’s authority and ensured his words have been treated as legislation through politicians and officers alike.”

Former chief secretary Alok Ranjan recalled within the piece how Seshan established the EC’s authority. He shared a fascinating anecdote, “As CEC, he got here on a discuss with to evaluate preparations for elections within the early nineties. When the then UP chief electoral officer (CEO) Shaival Kumar Mukerjee presented his report, Sheshan referred to the file was not even value using as a bathroom paper. After this, Seshan de-notified the CEO.”

Remembering a gathering of district magistrates that Seshan had convened in New Delhi, Ranjan noted: “I led a crew of 10 district magistrates from Uttar Pradesh. A DM from Himachal Pradesh reached there three minutes late and apologised. Seshan asked him to depart automatically. At one element, Seshan grew to become to UP crew and requested us to make sure that the manager minister follows the MCC in letter and spirit or else the commission would be certain this.”

The piece also cites yet another former bureaucrat Surya Pratap Singh who recollected how on Seshan’s directives, he refused to allow landing of the then chief minister Mulayam Singh Yadav’s helicopter in Badaun.

Singh recalled and we quote, “Mulayam become scheduled to tackle a public meeting in Badaun but the MCC had come into drive a day in advance of it. This was the starting of Seshan era. I enquired from the ECI whether to permit him to land in a government helicopter and i received a ‘no’ in reply. Following the directive, I did not allow the CM’s helicopter to land. The chopper become diverted to Moradabad where it eventually landed. Mulayam was furious but I did my obligation.”

an extra retired officer, who didn't need to be named, stated it was Seshan who made the EC a tricky establishment despite politicians who at all times wanted that they should be allowed to do whatever they like to win an election. Seshan showed the way the elections should be conducted, he referred to to HT.

We quote this nameless supply from the HT piece, “EC has the energy to defer or countermand an election. If a candidate defies the ECI’s writ, a simple observe of why the polling in his/her constituency may additionally now not be deferred serves as a deterrent. If the election has been held and the CEC comes to be aware of of irregularities, it has the energy to countermand the election. The EC has now acted in opposition t celebrity campaigners but a short-term ban will serve no purpose. The ban should be imposed for an extended duration.”  He also said that Seshan ensured action in opposition t all the errant authorities, including governors of states.

Time for EC to rediscover its powers

On April, Navin B. Chawla wrote in the Hindu that post these elections, the Election commission must take stock of a few concerns, including campaign funding. Chawla is aware of what he is speaking about, as he's a former Chief Election Commissioner and the creator of the eminently readable ‘each Vote Counts’.

Writes he and we quote, “Having served as the Election commission of India (EC) for 5-and-a-half years all through which I conducted the 2009 universal election, I even have an insider’s view, but of course am no longer aware of the inputs that the EC has and on which its choices are made. As I even have argued in my contemporary book, each Vote Counts, a number of terrible features of our electoral scene have worsened. considering that the model Code of conduct got here into effect, in barely the first two phases this time, money energy has so reared its gruesome head that seizures made of unaccounted money, liquor, bullion and medicines amounting to ₹2,600 crore have already surpassed the complete seizures made within the nine phases of the common election in 2014. Most depressingly, this contains large hauls of drugs, the mammoth majority smuggled into Gujarat. Uttar Pradesh is awash with liquor. Tamil Nadu has viewed the biggest seizures of illicit money —over ₹514 crore.”

These giant sums, he writes, meant to bribe or impact voters show several issues. the primary is that these sums almost definitely represent only a fraction of current unlawful spending, a tip of the iceberg as it had been. He writes and we quote, “they have got been detected through the EC’s machinery acting on the foundation of tip-offs, or else through the vigilance of electoral officers in the States. sadly, the bulk of illegal tranches of money, liquor or freebies would have reached their destination. second, political gamers have subtle their strategies in being many steps ahead of the EC’s observers and their vigilance groups by using relocating their dollars to their destinations even earlier than the elections are announced. Does this not make a mockery of the statutory restrict of ₹70 lakh that each and every Lok Sabha candidate has as his ballot expenditure limit?”

Questions we deserve to ask

Chawla asks, when there isn't any transparency on how political events compile or spend their cash, when limits of candidate spending are exceeded in every single case, then the time has come to debate even if we need to re-check our rulebook.

He writes, “to be able to supervise the matches in play, the EC has had to installation over 2,000 valuable observers for the whole length, drawing them out from their ministries and departments at the cost of their typical work at the Centre and in the States. heaps of vigilance squads are deploy and need to act on the assistance they acquire, which is why the present degree of seizures have already made this India’s most expensive usual election yet. An intelligent wager might also lead us to a remaining tally of spending in extra of ₹50,000 crore, the bulk of which is made of illicit funding and spending.” As we mentioned on our podcast on political spending, the film business in India had complete revenues (combining home and distant places collections, broadcast rights and so forth.) of around 15,000 crores. So election spending is greater than thrice the overall revenues of the total Indian film trade.

Navin Chawla further says, “it is by way of now clear as daylight hours that electoral bonds, far from enabling a sound and clear potential of political funding, have proved to be the reverse. The EC, in its personal affidavit earlier than the Supreme court docket, has admitted as an awful lot. The Supreme courtroom’s order has made bound that full disclosure, albeit to the EC, has already without difficulty killed further funding along this route. Nothing is a better disinfectant for camouflaged funding than daylight itself. With my adventure this compels me to claim that any critical reform with regard to funding ought to come from the EC itself, for it is terribly not likely that any executive will take an initiative during this direction.”

Chawla added that the EC should take inventory after this election is over and convene a convention of all stakeholders, including of direction all known political events, each imperative and State. however this may still now not be exclusively constrained to them, for they are going to are likely to aid the repute quo or they will be unable to reach consensus. The list of stakeholders need to also consist of the most efficient constitutional and criminal minds in our nation.

The taint of criminality

The Hindu piece also addresses the problem of candidates fielded with criminal antecedents. as the writer says, “The 16th Lok Sabha that has now handed into heritage, saw pretty much 30% of its individuals declaring, of their obligatory self-sworn affidavits, the record of crook circumstances registered in opposition t them. they are also legally obliged to declare their wealth and their educational skills. this is the effect of two essential orders handed with the aid of the Supreme court in 2002-2003, the outcome of a battle that the affiliation for Democratic Reforms fought tenaciously. regrettably, in the first phase of this election, 12% of the candidates perforce declared that they had heinous circumstances pending, while in the 2nd phase the determine turned into eleven%. It could be referred to that these instances consist of homicide, attempt to homicide, dacoity, kidnapping and rape.”

He recalls also how the tenth Chief Election Commissioner (CEC), T.N. Seshan  once famously declared that “he ate politicians for breakfast” — made the nation sit down up and keep in mind when he determined to level the playing container as not ever earlier than. there's little doubt that he reminded the EC that it had powers inherently enshrined in Article 324 of the charter — powers so awesome that there is arguably no different electoral management physique with an identical powers.

Says the creator, “I learned this all over my years as Election Commissioner, and these are the powers I exercised all through the direction of the 15th time-honored election in 2009; i used to be efficiently in a position to confront three Congress-dominated State governments and one Congress ally too. considered one of them even convened a special press convention to declare that his government would circulate the Supreme court towards the EC’s “arbitrariness”, however I individually had little doubt about its result. because it took place, he chose no longer to within the end. The element I are seeking to make, through virtue of my own adventure, is that the powers of the EC are so enormous and so all-encompassing that they exceed the powers of the executive in all election-related concerns all through the path of the election length. Of path, these need to be exercised judiciously, fairly and equitably, not least as a result of every choice is analysed in every “adda”, every home, every highway corner and each “dhaba” throughout the nation, where the EC’s choices need to be viewed to be fair and clear. during the years precedent to becoming CEC, i used to be fortunate that Mr. Seshan recommended me whenever I known as on him. in consequence I under no circumstances felt any need to make reference to government or courtroom, once the system become below way.”

Credibility below a cloud

policy Editor of India today, Prasanna Mohanty’s piece has been extensively shared including through every day O and he says categorically that for the primary time due to the fact that TN Seshan, the EC’s credibility is under a cloud.

He writes and we quote, “The Modi biopic may additionally have been stopped — but there isn't any word on NaMo television. in the meantime, sixty six former civil servants have written to the President, expressing their distress at misuse, abuse and blatant brush aside for the mannequin Code of habits (MCC). It looks imposing. however why isn't its writ being taken greater significantly? And why is never the EC punishing offenders greater imposingly? The most evident illustration is the alleged misuse of reliable machinery — the earnings Tax (I-T) and Enforcement Directorate (ED) — in focused on Opposition ranks for raids. considering the fact that the MCC got here into force on March 10, as a minimum four such events, the Congress, TDP, DMK and JD(S), were raided earlier than the ECI issued an advisory to those corporations to retain neutrality, impartiality and non-discrimination.”

He also cites the   glaring example of NaMo television — which in his own words, “seemed mysteriously after the MCC came into force and started beaming again-to-lower back speeches of major Minister Narendra Modi, interestingly with out licence or official sanction, on all DTH platforms. It beamed such speeches even after the closing date for canvassing ended at 5pm on Tuesday for the primary part of polling. On Wednesday, the BJP admitted that NaMo tv belongs to it, however no action has followed yet.

The ECI issued a seven-page order about ‘political content material in digital media’ on Wednesday, stopping the liberate of movies ‘PM Narendra Modi’, ‘Laxmi's NTR’ and ‘Udyama Simham’ until the election length however maintained silence on NaMo tv.”

Rampant communalisation

The writer cites several cases of communalising electioneering as well. He writes: “The top Minister himself noted Congress president Rahul Gandhi picked Wayanad in Kerala for contesting as a result of Hindus are in a minority there. BJP president Amit Shah went a step further, likening Wayanad to Pakistan when he referred to in a rally: “Is it in Pakistan?” The UP chief minister, Yogi Adityanath, joined in too, evoking ‘Ali and Bajrangbali’ on April 9 in rallies in Meerut and Bareilly.

From the Opposition, BSP chief Mayawati too crossed the road when she requested the Muslims now not to break up their votes. All that the ECI has done is are looking for reviews from the respective chief electoral officers (CEOs). The ECI did censure Yogi for describing the Indian military as ‘Modiji ki sena’ — but yet an additional BJP leader, Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, repeated the identical and bought away with it.

As for the misuse of the military in campaigning, regardless of specific orders of the ECI, the leading Minister himself requested first-time voters in Aurangabad and Latur in Maharashtra on Tuesday to devote their vote to the martyrs of Pulwama and the heroes of the Balakot air-strike.

surprisingly, the ECI’s personal ads in newspapers on Tuesday interestingly carried images of the defense force, asking americans, “ready to vote in the Lok Sabha election 2019?”

Why the dithering?

The creator asks why youngsters that the alleged violations outlined earlier were broadcast are living and posted greatly, why does the ECI feign lack of awareness and wishes to ascertain from the CEOs to be able to act, which appears the case now.

We quote, “an analogous strategy is evident in the case of NaMo television too. First, it asked the information and Broadcasting (I&B) Ministry concerning the status of NaMo tv and then, the CEO of Delhi about even if its content are pre-licensed. Its directive to Doordarshan (DD) to make certain a balance airtime to political parties came most effective after newspaper reviews pointed this out, while it is an age-historical practice to fix such airtime for each political birthday celebration neatly in strengthen

The ECI’s function in giving a clear chit to PM Modi’s handle to the nation about ‘Mission Shakti’ too has come under criticism. among others, 66 former civil servants wrote to the President of India, saying that propriety demanded that this announcement should still were left to the scientists when the MCC became operative.”

Maneesh Chibbar wrote in the Print recently that the present Election commission wants the spine of former CEC T.N. Seshan

We quote him, “to say that within the remaining five years of the PM Narendra Modi government most unbiased associations in India have misplaced their halo could be pointing out the evident. however the one institution that has a lot of explaining to do is the Election fee. Time and once more, the Election fee has allowed the executive to break out without even a cursory rap on the knuckles. it's commonly mentioned that once is possibility, twice is twist of fate and the third time is a sample. For our countrywide ballot regulator, the pattern is simply too obvious.”

He says, long gone are the times when foreign newspapers would write articles on chief election commissioners like T.N. Seshan relating to him as “India’s scourge of funds, muscle and ministers.”

He writes, “Such turned into his terror that in October 1993, the P.V. Narasimha Rao executive decided to turn the Election fee right into a multi-member body, appointing M.S. Gill and G.V.G Krishnamurthy as election commissioners, and proscribing Seshan’s powers. however Seshan became not able to be tamed. When the government all started dragging its ft on issuing photo identity playing cards to voters, Seshan threatened to use Rule 37 of illustration of Peoples Act to not cling any elections after 1 January 1995. The be counted become resolved in court docket, however photo identification cards soon grew to become a must.

The credit for turning a tooth-much less mannequin code of conduct into a virtual rulebook, which had to be strictly adopted by using the govt and opposition alike, additionally goes to Seshan. Senior cops and civil servants have been transferred even on minor counts of what the Seshan-led Election fee considered misdemeanours; governors and senior ministers have been handed out censures without any 2d thought, with the public gleefully having fun with the travails of the politicians and officers, who looked powerless earlier than a rampaging Election commission.”

His successors tried to uphold his legacy and the writer remembers how under the UPA-II regime, then chief election commissioner S.Y. Quraishi known as legislation minister Salman Khurshid to Nirvachan Sadan for a meeting on electoral reforms, as a result of an ‘impartial’ Election commission going to Shastri Bhawan, which homes the legislations ministry, may send out the inaccurate signal.

Now he rues the state of defanged  institutions  just like the   CBI, The central Vigilance commission (CVC), the relevant counsel fee (CIC), the Enforcement Directorate (ED), the income Tax department  and counting.

He writes and we quote, “truly, one may be excused for forming the impact that the Election commission has acted more in opposition t the opposition and opposition-ruled state governments than towards the BJP and its allies. Even in quite a lot of courts, every time issues related to transparency and electoral reforms had been raised, the response of the Election fee was commonly discovered to be missing.

Pushing the envelope or sending out a forceful message to the political type, especially those ruling us, is something that it is easy to’t associate with the Election fee any more.”

the man who took no prisoners

In his booklet ‘TN Seshan and the Election commission’, Christophe Jaffrelot recalled how the criminalisation of Indian politics changed into affecting elections as by no means before in the late Eighties and the early Nineteen Nineties.

by the use of passages Scroll excerpted from the ebook, we learn that the shift got here with the appointment of TN Seshan at its helm in December 1990, the place he would serve for six years. The commission had all the time discharged its responsibilities with care, but its measures became greater stringent under its new chief’s impetus.

The writer accuses Seshan of favouring certain events and hobbies and of unpredictable and capricious behaviour but he also concedes that Seshan grew to become out to be hard to control.

We quote, “however, even the most virulent critics of his megalomaniac and autocratic tendencies recognized Seshan’s remarkable effectivity in retaining the electoral technique. regularly, he would stagger vote casting to install additional forces and therefore reduce the dangers of booth capturing and violence near polling cubicles, which geared toward dissuading so-referred to as opposed voters (e.g. Dalits who, it became feared, would no longer vote for his or her upper-caste candidates) from turning up.

In Uttar Pradesh, the sales space shooting count number fell from 873 in 1991 to 255 in 1993, and the number of polling day killings from thirty-six to 3. As for constituencies wherein polling had to be suspended or deferred, the tally became a mere three as in comparison to the outdated seventeen.”

He recalls how the 1991 elections had been held in a very tense heritage – Hindu-Muslim clashes on the one hand, and caste conflicts on the different dominated the campaign. furthermore, many state meeting elections had been scheduled similtaneously those of the Lok Sabha, which became not the case in 1993. besides the fact that children, there was still a “Seshan effect”, as the press termed it.

He says, “Seshan’s coverage partly explains the bigger voter turnout (+10 elements in Uttar Pradesh): the safety provided around polling stations inspired a more suitable variety of voters to solid their ballot, mainly the Dalits, whom gangs have been not capable to intimidate. The “Seshan impact” become once again at work all the way through the 1996 popular elections. The Election commission dispatched 1,500 observers (a standard of three per constituency) for monitoring the elections. around 600,000 enforcers of legislations and order have been deployed near polling stations run by means of about 1.5 million state employees. Over 300,000 americans were positioned in preventive detention (one hundred twenty five,000 in Uttar Pradesh11 and fifty nine,000 in Madhya Pradesh, the place 87,000 firearms have been additionally seized). These arrangements helped contain incidents near polling cubicles.”

imposing the model code of behavior

The e-book extra describes how Seshan waged a warfare against the tendency of politicians to flout the model code of habits, which they had been imagined to abide through. Polling changed into suspended in a Madhya Pradesh constituency as a serving governor campaigned for his son, finally resulting in his resignation. In Uttar Pradesh, a minister became pressured to give up the dais at a rally because the campaign duration had simply ended.

peculiarly, says the author, Seshan harried politicians by constraining them to limit their election expenditure. This policy turned into completed vigorously from April 1996, when the Supreme court hence mandated the Election fee, which then ordered political events to post bills of their expenditure after the elections.

We quote, “The Election fee eventually drew up a extremely strict mannequin code of behavior. events may no longer take voters to polling stations; they have been required to achieve the authorities’ permission earlier than establishing camps where they historically helped voters find the candidates of their option on facsimiles of the ballot paper, which, admittedly, is every now and then festooned with a hundred-ordinary names! To economise, the events no longer printed copies of voters’ lists on which citizens may locate their name before getting into the polling station. The 1996 elections, in contrast to the previous ones, had been not marked by way of innumerable rallies, a plethora of posters, and the use of blaring mobile loudspeakers or video trucks that one became accustomed to; the events went lower back to door-to-door campaigning. while this newly introduced self-discipline reduce returned on the festive element of the elections, it additionally reduced the funding wants of parties, which became anticipated to have an impact on the diploma of corruption.”

TN Seshan’s recognition, says the creator, specifically in city areas, stemmed from his efforts to convey an more and more decried political classification to heel.

He says, “The trajectory of the Election fee beneath TN Seshan suggests that the effectiveness of associations is tremendously elegant upon the personalities at their helm. The same institution might also have very distinct attitudes if its chief is strong or susceptible, disinterested or getting ready for his subsequent (submit-retirement?) workplace. actually, some associations should be superior equipped than others to face up to power, but the persona of its leader always plays a tremendous position.”

And he leaves us with these ideas to mull over, “interestingly, when these personalities depart the scene, their legacy remains for a while, making a form of path dependency, but equally powerful men or women are obligatory for perpetuating a way of the knowledgeable obligation that is probably going to fulfil the office’s mission. There’s no bureaucracy, there are best men and ladies.”

Dolphins take care of Josh Sitton has skills beyond offensive line

one of the Miami Dolphins’ offseason dreams changed into to get more athletic, and they believe they performed that feat, in particular on the offensive line where they acquired left look after Josh Sitton, who apparently has capabilities as a quarterback, receiver and kicker.

“He’s very competitive, a extremely aggressive guy,” offensive line educate Jeremiah Washburn noted of Sitton, who he coached in Chicago. “In Chicago ultimate year, we had a punt-circulate-kick [contest] throughout section II of OTAs. It changed into his idea to have it after which I discovered why, as a result of he just obliterated everyone else.

“He’s only a natural athlete. He’s very aggressive however he’s obtained a very calm demeanor, which is incredible for an offensive lineman, certainly an indoors lineman.”

Sitton is expected to be joined on the starting offensive line through both correct protect Jesse Davis or appropriate shield Ted Larsen, middle Daniel Kilgore, left tackle Laremy Tunsil and correct tackle Ja’Wuan James.

Dolphins' Kenny Stills not a fan of new NFL anthem policy

Dolphins huge receiver Kenny Stills, as you could determine, isn’t keen on the NFL’s new policy on the national anthem, the one which says if avid gamers are on the field all the way through the anthem they must stand. if they don’t stand, they should remain in the locker room or subject their team to a quality.

Stills,...

There’s a thought Tunsil or James could provide Sitton a run for the Punt, flow & Kick title among offensive linemen. Washburn become requested whether he’s seen Tunsil or James throw a football.

“sure, I have seen them throw it and that i’m simply going to inform you at the moment, I’ve acquired video facts that they both misplaced to [Sitton],” he observed with a smile. “So fully, they have to work on their box-purpose kicking within the offseason.”

like the Dolphins? Like our Miami Dolphins facebook page to keep up with all the latest information »

CAPTION

Miami Hurricanes security Sheldrick Redwine speaks to media on the NFL combine in Indianapolis on Sunday. 

Miami Hurricanes security Sheldrick Redwine speaks to media at the NFL combine in Indianapolis on Sunday. 

CAPTION

Miami Hurricanes defense Jaquan Johnson speaks to media at the NFL mix in Indianapolis on Sunday.  

Miami Hurricanes protection Jaquan Johnson speaks to media on the NFL mix in Indianapolis on Sunday.  

CAPTION

Michigan linebacker Devin Bush Jr., who received a state title at Flanagan excessive beneath his father in 2015, speaks with media at the NFL mix in Indianapolis.

Michigan linebacker Devin Bush Jr., who received a state title at Flanagan high beneath his father in 2015, speaks with media at the NFL combine in Indianapolis.

CAPTION

Ohio State protective conclusion Nick Bosa speaks to media throughout the NFL combine in Indianapolis on Saturday.

Ohio State defensive conclusion Nick Bosa speaks to media all the way through the NFL combine in Indianapolis on Saturday.

CAPTION

Houston defensive tackle Ed Oliver speaks to media on the NFL mix in Indianapolis on Saturday.

Houston protecting address Ed Oliver speaks to media on the NFL mix in Indianapolis on Saturday.

chperkins@sunsentinel.com; On Twitter @Chrisperk


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ATN International, Inc. (ATNI) CEO Michael Prior on Q3 2018 Results - Earnings Call Transcript

No result found, try new keyword!Resulting revenue gains have well outpaced declines from video and voice attrition. This trend is clear in the published subscriber numbers with segment wireline data subscribers ... through the ...

Podcast | Decoding 2019: Why India needs another TN Seshan - to 'eat politicians for breakfast'

Rima M | Rakesh Sharma

Tirunellai Narayana Iyer Seshan is suddenly a towering presence once again in the discourse about elections and the credibility of the Election Commission of India. The now retired 1955 batch Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer of Tamil Nadu cadre, is best remembered by Indians of a certain generation as a man who deep-cleaned the elections of the manipulative tactics and blatant opportunism employed by political leaders. In the process, he endeared himself to citizenry, while also offending politicians with his damning punch lines.

By cracking down upon malpractices, the 10th Chief Election Commissioner of India (1990–96) brought in sweeping reforms in the way elections were held. He had also earlier served as the 18th Cabinet Secretary of India in 1989. In 1996, he won the Ramon Magsaysay Award. Always a self-willed force, Seshan even contested for the post of the President of India in 1997 and lost to K.R. Narayanan.

On this edition of Digging Deeper with Moneycontrol, we examine the Seshan effect, and what his legacy has been. My name is Rakesh Sharma, and you are listening to Moneycontrol.

The wonder years

TN Seshan was born on 15 December 1932 in Thirunellai, Palakkad district, Kerala and eventually went on to study at Harvard University on Edward S. Mason Fellowship where he earned a master's degree in public administration. Interestingly, both he and E. Sreedharan, whom we now know as the Metro Man were classmates at BEM High School and Victoria College in Palakkad. Both of them were eligible to study Engineering in Kakinada (Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University). E. Sreedharan decided to pursue it, while T. N. Seshan decided to join MCC (Madras Christian College).

Another interesting bit of trivia. Seshan’s elder brother TN Lakshminarayanan was among the toppers in the very first batch of Indian Administrative Service (IAS).

In 1953, he was too young to appear for IAS but on a whim, sat for the Indian Police Service and stood first in India in the 1954 batch. The very next year, he joined the 1955 batch of IAS and was one of the top rankers. And very soon became a star administrator and became Cabinet Secretary and Member, Planning Commission of India, before being appointed the Chief Election Commissioner.

The wizard of transparency

As per government statistics, during TN Seshan’s tenure, booth-capturing incidents decreased to 255 in 1993 from 873 in 1991.

In a system that puts the onus of accountability on citizens rather than public servants and policy makers, Seshan was an authoritarian who demanded transparency from the electoral system and those who often misused it.

There was a time when media observers labelled the stern course corrector as "Al-Seshan“ but Seshan, in the final analysis, proved that he was nobody’s pet and strictly implemented the election code of conduct, indeed guarded the constitutional promise of free and fair elections.

Among the steps he took was that election officials would be drafted from states other than the one in the throes of polling to maintain impartiality.

Issuance of Voter IDs for all eligible voters came into being under his watch.

He imposed limits on candidates’ expenditure and made the election commission machinery autonomous by coming down hard on malpractices like bribing or intimidation of voters, distribution of liquor and other goodies during elections, the rampant use of official machinery for campaigning, misuse of communal and casteist sentiments or places of worship by politicians, and the use of blaring loudspeakers without prior written permission.

Then and now

And that brings us to the questions being raised about the Election Commission today and the man at the helm of affairs. Sunil Arora, in contrast to the often roaring Seshan, has proven to be a fairly unobtrusive presence in the din that is 2019.

How strong Seshan’s hold on the collective imagination is, is evident from the fact that every few years, the fake news of his death gets forwarded on WhatsApp and creates a social media storm.

The culture of fake news is so rampant now that one wonders how someone like Seshan would have dealt with it. Ironically, the first time the news of his supposed demise spread, even Union Minister of State Jitendra Singh shared the fake news on Twitter and also tagged the Press Information Bureau, along with five others including Finance Minister Arun Jaitley. His tweet was even retweeted by the then head of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Smriti Irani.

It goes without saying that the blatant disregard for Election Commission of India's Model Code of Conduct in these elections has made a large section of observers look back at the Seshan era wistfully.

The Model Code of Conduct is a set of guidelines issued by the Election Commission for political parties and candidates mainly with respect to speeches, polling day behaviour, transparency at polling booths, processions and general conduct.

On April 17, Former Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir Omar Abdullah stated that he hoped that the Election Commission would muster the courage to hold assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir, so the state's people could get an opportunity to elect a new government.

He told NDTV, “I hope the Election Commission has the courage to go against what the BJP is trying to ensure here. I hope in this case, in this Election Commission, we see the shades of TN Seshan or past Chief Election Commissioners who didn't toe the government line and decided what was in the interest of the organisation.”

On April 17, 2019 again, Umesh Raghuvanshi wrote in Hindustan Times how a day after the Election Commission temporarily barred four leaders -- UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath, Union minister Maneka Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati and SP leader Azam Khan -- from campaigning for violating model code of conduct, the focus was back on the powers that the Commission once enjoyed to ensure free and fair polls.

We quote, “The observations made by the representative of the Election Commission that “we found we have powers”, made in the Supreme Court, have become a point of discussion with many officers who recalled how the 10th chief election commissioner (CEC) of India TN Seshan (1990-96) stamped the Commission’s authority and ensured his words were treated as law by politicians and officers alike.”

Former chief secretary Alok Ranjan recalled in the piece how Seshan established the EC’s authority. He shared an interesting anecdote, “As CEC, he came on a visit to review preparations for elections in the early nineties. When the then UP chief electoral officer (CEO) Shaival Kumar Mukerjee presented his report, Sheshan said the report was not even worth using as a toilet paper. After this, Seshan de-notified the CEO.”

Remembering a meeting of district magistrates that Seshan had convened in New Delhi, Ranjan said: “I led a team of 10 district magistrates from Uttar Pradesh. A DM from Himachal Pradesh reached there three minutes late and apologised. Seshan asked him to leave immediately. At one point, Seshan turned to UP team and asked us to ensure that the chief minister follows the MCC in letter and spirit or else the Commission would ensure this.”

The piece also cites another former bureaucrat Surya Pratap Singh who recollected how on Seshan’s directives, he refused to allow landing of the then chief minister Mulayam Singh Yadav’s helicopter in Badaun.

Singh recalled and we quote, “Mulayam was scheduled to address a public meeting in Badaun but the MCC had come into force a day prior to it. This was the beginning of Seshan era. I enquired from the ECI whether to allow him to land in a government helicopter and I got a ‘no’ in reply. Following the directive, I did not allow the CM’s helicopter to land. The chopper was diverted to Moradabad where it finally landed. Mulayam was furious but I did my duty.”

Another retired officer, who did not wish to be named, said it was Seshan who made the EC a tough institution despite politicians who always wanted that they should be allowed to do whatever they like to win an election. Seshan showed the way the elections should be conducted, he said to HT.

We quote this anonymous source from the HT piece, “EC has the power to defer or countermand an election. If a candidate defies the ECI’s writ, a simple notice of why the polling in his/her constituency may not be deferred serves as a deterrent. If the election has been held and the CEC comes to know of irregularities, it has the power to countermand the election. The EC has now acted against star campaigners but a short-term ban will serve no purpose. The ban should be imposed for a longer duration.”  He also said that Seshan ensured action against all the errant authorities, including governors of states.

Time for EC to rediscover its powers

On April, Navin B. Chawla wrote in The Hindu that post these elections, the Election Commission needs to take stock of several issues, including campaign funding. Chawla knows what he is talking about, as he is a former Chief Election Commissioner and the author of the eminently readable ‘Every Vote Counts’.

Writes he and we quote, “Having served as the Election Commission of India (EC) for five-and-a-half years during which I conducted the 2009 general election, I have an insider’s view, but of course am not privy to the inputs that the EC has and on which its decisions are made. As I have argued in my recent book, Every Vote Counts, several negative features of our electoral scene have worsened. Since the Model Code of Conduct came into effect, in just the first two phases this time, money power has so reared its ugly head that seizures made of unaccounted cash, liquor, bullion and drugs amounting to ₹2,600 crore have already surpassed the entire seizures made in the nine phases of the general election in 2014. Most depressingly, this includes huge hauls of drugs, the vast majority smuggled into Gujarat. Uttar Pradesh is awash with liquor. Tamil Nadu has seen the largest seizures of illicit cash —over ₹514 crore.”

These vast sums, he writes, intended to bribe or influence voters prove several things. The first is that these sums almost certainly represent only a fraction of current illegal spending, a tip of the iceberg as it were. He writes and we quote, “They have been detected by the EC’s machinery acting on the basis of tip-offs, or else by the vigilance of electoral officials in the States. Unfortunately, the bulk of illegal tranches of money, liquor or freebies would have reached their destination. Second, political players have refined their methods in being many steps ahead of the EC’s observers and their vigilance teams by moving their funds to their destinations even before the elections are announced. Does this not make a mockery of the statutory limit of ₹70 lakh that each Lok Sabha candidate has as his poll expenditure limit?”

Questions we need to ask

Chawla asks, when there is no transparency on how political parties collect or spend their funds, when limits of candidate spending are exceeded in every single case, then the time has come to debate whether we need to re-examine our rulebook.

He writes, “In order to supervise the matches in play, the EC has had to deploy over 2,000 Central observers for the entire duration, drawing them out from their ministries and departments at the cost of their normal work at the Centre and in the States. Thousands of vigilance squads are set up and must act on the information they receive, which is why the current level of seizures have already made this India’s most expensive general election yet. An intelligent guess may lead us to a final tally of spending in excess of ₹50,000 crore, the bulk of which is made up of illicit funding and spending.” As we said on our podcast on political spending, the film industry in India had total revenues (combining domestic and overseas collections, broadcast rights etc.) of around 15,000 crores. So election spending is more than three times the total revenues of the entire Indian film industry.

Navin Chawla further says, “It is by now clear as daylight that electoral bonds, far from enabling a legitimate and transparent means of political funding, have proved to be the reverse. The EC, in its own affidavit before the Supreme Court, has admitted as much. The Supreme Court’s order has made sure that full disclosure, albeit to the EC, has already effectively killed further funding along this route. Nothing is a better disinfectant for camouflaged funding than sunlight itself. With my experience this compels me to say that any serious reform with regard to funding must come from the EC itself, for it is very unlikely that any government will take an initiative in this direction.”

Chawla added that the EC must take stock after this election is over and convene a conference of all stakeholders, including of course all recognised political parties, both Central and State. But this should not be exclusively confined to them, for they will tend to support the status quo or they will be unable to reach consensus. The list of stakeholders must also include the best constitutional and legal minds in our country.

The taint of criminality

The Hindu piece also addresses the problem of candidates fielded with criminal antecedents. As the writer says, “The 16th Lok Sabha that has now passed into history, saw almost 30% of its members declaring, in their compulsory self-sworn affidavits, the list of criminal cases registered against them. They are also legally obliged to declare their wealth and their educational qualifications. This is the result of two vital orders passed by the Supreme Court in 2002-2003, the result of a battle that the Association for Democratic Reforms fought tenaciously. Unfortunately, in the first phase of this election, 12% of the candidates perforce declared that they had heinous cases pending, while in the second phase the figure was 11%. It may be noted that these cases include murder, attempt to murder, dacoity, kidnapping and rape.”

He recalls also how the 10th Chief Election Commissioner (CEC), T.N. Seshan  once famously declared that “he ate politicians for breakfast” — made the country sit up and take note when he decided to level the playing field as never before. There is little doubt that he reminded the EC that it had powers inherently enshrined in Article 324 of the Constitution — powers so great that there is arguably no other electoral management body with similar powers.

Says the writer, “I learned this during my years as Election Commissioner, and these are the powers I exercised during the course of the 15th general election in 2009; I was successfully able to confront three Congress-ruled State governments and one Congress ally too. One of them even convened a special press conference to declare that his government would move the Supreme Court against the EC’s “arbitrariness”, but I personally had no doubt about its outcome. As it happened, he chose not to in the end. The point I seek to make, by virtue of my own experience, is that the powers of the EC are so enormous and so all-encompassing that they exceed the powers of the executive in all election-related issues during the course of the election period. Of course, these must be exercised judiciously, fairly and equitably, not least because every decision is analysed in every “adda”, every home, every street corner and every “dhaba” across the country, where the EC’s decisions must be seen to be fair and transparent. During the years precedent to becoming CEC, I was fortunate that Mr. Seshan advised me whenever I called on him. As a result I never felt any need to make reference to government or court, once the process was under way.”

Credibility under a cloud

Policy Editor of India Today, Prasanna Mohanty’s piece has been widely shared including by Daily O and he says categorically that for the first time since TN Seshan, the EC’s credibility is under a cloud.

He writes and we quote, “The Modi biopic may have been stopped — but there's no word on NaMo TV. Meanwhile, 66 former civil servants have written to the President, expressing their distress at misuse, abuse and blatant disregard for the Model Code of Conduct (MCC). It looks imposing. But why isn't its writ being taken more seriously? And why isn't the EC punishing offenders more imposingly? The most blatant instance is the alleged misuse of official machinery — the Income Tax (I-T) and Enforcement Directorate (ED) — in targeting Opposition ranks for raids. Since the MCC came into force on March 10, at least four such parties, the Congress, TDP, DMK and JD(S), were raided before the ECI issued an advisory to these agencies to maintain neutrality, impartiality and non-discrimination.”

He also cites the   glaring example of NaMo TV — which in his own words, “appeared mysteriously after the MCC came into force and started beaming back-to-back speeches of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, apparently without licence or official sanction, on all DTH platforms. It beamed such speeches even after the deadline for canvassing ended at 5pm on Tuesday for the first phase of polling. On Wednesday, the BJP admitted that NaMo TV belongs to it, but no action has followed yet.

The ECI issued a seven-page order about ‘political content in electronic media’ on Wednesday, stopping the release of films ‘PM Narendra Modi’, ‘Laxmi's NTR’ and ‘Udyama Simham’ until the election period but maintained silence on NaMo TV.”

Rampant communalisation

The writer cites several instances of communalising electioneering as well. He writes: “The Prime Minister himself said Congress president Rahul Gandhi picked Wayanad in Kerala for contesting because Hindus are in a minority there. BJP president Amit Shah went a step further, likening Wayanad to Pakistan when he said in a rally: “Is it in Pakistan?” The UP chief minister, Yogi Adityanath, joined in too, evoking ‘Ali and Bajrangbali’ on April 9 in rallies in Meerut and Bareilly.

From the Opposition, BSP leader Mayawati too crossed the line when she asked the Muslims not to split their votes. All that the ECI has done is seek reports from the respective chief electoral officers (CEOs). The ECI did censure Yogi for describing the Indian Army as ‘Modiji ki sena’ — but yet another BJP leader, Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, repeated the same and got away with it.

As for the misuse of the armed forces in campaigning, despite specific orders of the ECI, the Prime Minister himself asked first-time voters in Aurangabad and Latur in Maharashtra on Tuesday to dedicate their vote to the martyrs of Pulwama and the heroes of the Balakot air-strike.

Strangely, the ECI’s own ads in newspapers on Tuesday apparently carried photographs of the armed forces, asking people, “Ready to vote in the Lok Sabha election 2019?”

Why the dithering?

The writer asks why despite the fact that the alleged violations mentioned earlier have been broadcast live and published widely, why does the ECI feign ignorance and needs to confirm from the CEOs in order to act, which seems the case now.

We quote, “A similar approach is evident in the case of NaMo TV too. First, it asked the Information and Broadcasting (I&B) Ministry about the status of NaMo TV and then, the CEO of Delhi about whether its content are pre-certified. Its directive to Doordarshan (DD) to ensure a balance airtime to political parties came only after newspaper reports pointed this out, while it is an age-old practice to fix such airtime for each political party well in advance

The ECI’s role in giving a clean chit to PM Modi’s address to the nation about ‘Mission Shakti’ too has come under criticism. Among others, 66 former civil servants wrote to the President of India, saying that propriety demanded that this announcement should have been left to the scientists when the MCC was operative.”

Maneesh Chibbar wrote in The Print recently that the current Election Commission needs the spine of former CEC T.N. Seshan

We quote him, “To say that in the last five years of the PM Narendra Modi government most independent institutions in India have lost their halo would be stating the obvious. But the one institution that has a lot of explaining to do is the Election Commission. Time and again, the Election Commission has allowed the government to escape without even a cursory rap on the knuckles. It is often said that once is chance, twice is coincidence and the third time is a pattern. For our national poll regulator, the pattern is too obvious.”

He says, gone are the days when foreign newspapers would write articles on chief election commissioners like T.N. Seshan referring to him as “India’s scourge of money, muscle and ministers.”

He writes, “Such was his terror that in October 1993, the P.V. Narasimha Rao government decided to turn the Election Commission into a multi-member body, appointing M.S. Gill and G.V.G Krishnamurthy as election commissioners, and restricting Seshan’s powers. But Seshan was not ready to be tamed. When the government started dragging its feet on issuing photo identity cards to voters, Seshan threatened to use Rule 37 of Representation of Peoples Act to not hold any elections after 1 January 1995. The matter was resolved in court, but photo identity cards soon became a must.

The credit for turning a tooth-less model code of conduct into a virtual rulebook, which had to be strictly followed by the government and opposition alike, also goes to Seshan. Senior police officers and civil servants were transferred even on minor counts of what the Seshan-led Election Commission considered misdemeanours; governors and senior ministers were handed out censures without any second thought, with the public gleefully enjoying the travails of the politicians and officers, who appeared powerless before a rampaging Election Commission.”

His successors tried to uphold his legacy and the writer recalls how under the UPA-II regime, then chief election commissioner S.Y. Quraishi called law minister Salman Khurshid to Nirvachan Sadan for a meeting on electoral reforms, because an ‘independent’ Election Commission going to Shastri Bhawan, which houses the law ministry, could send out the wrong signal.

Now he rues the state of defanged  institutions  like the   CBI, The Central Vigilance Commission (CVC), the Central Information Commission (CIC), the Enforcement Directorate (ED), the Income Tax department  and counting.

He writes and we quote, “In fact, one may be excused for forming the impression that the Election Commission has acted more against the opposition and opposition-ruled state governments than against the BJP and its allies. Even in various courts, whenever issues related to transparency and electoral reforms have been raised, the response of the Election Commission was often found to be lacking.

Pushing the envelope or sending out a forceful message to the political class, especially those ruling us, is something that one can’t associate with the Election Commission any longer.”

The man who took no prisoners

In his book ‘TN Seshan and the Election Commission’, Christophe Jaffrelot recalled how the criminalisation of Indian politics was affecting elections as never before in the late 1980s and the early 1990s.

Via passages Scroll excerpted from the book, we learn that the shift came with the appointment of TN Seshan at its helm in December 1990, where he would serve for six years. The Commission had always discharged its duties with care, but its measures became more stringent under its new chief’s impetus.

The author accuses Seshan of favouring certain parties and interests and of unpredictable and capricious behaviour but he also concedes that Seshan turned out to be tough to manipulate.

We quote, “Nevertheless, even the most virulent critics of his megalomaniac and autocratic tendencies recognised Seshan’s unprecedented efficiency in protecting the electoral process. Often, he would stagger voting to deploy additional forces and thus reduce the risks of booth capturing and violence near polling booths, which aimed at dissuading so-called hostile voters (e.g. Dalits who, it was feared, would not vote for their upper-caste candidates) from turning up.

In Uttar Pradesh, the booth capturing count fell from 873 in 1991 to 255 in 1993, and the number of polling day killings from thirty-six to three. As for constituencies in which polling had to be suspended or deferred, the tally was a mere three as compared to the previous seventeen.”

He recalls how the 1991 elections were held in a particularly tense background – Hindu-Muslim clashes on the one hand, and caste conflicts on the other dominated the campaign. Moreover, many state assembly elections had been scheduled at the same time as those of the Lok Sabha, which was not the case in 1993. However, there was still a “Seshan effect”, as the press termed it.

He says, “Seshan’s policy partly explains the higher voter turnout (+10 points in Uttar Pradesh): the security provided around polling stations encouraged a greater number of voters to cast their ballot, especially the Dalits, whom gangs were no longer in a position to intimidate. The “Seshan effect” was again at work during the 1996 general elections. The Election Commission dispatched 1,500 observers (an average of three per constituency) for monitoring the elections. Around 600,000 enforcers of law and order were deployed near polling stations run by approximately 1.5 million state employees. Over 300,000 people were placed in preventive detention (125,000 in Uttar Pradesh11 and 59,000 in Madhya Pradesh, where 87,000 firearms were also seized). These arrangements helped contain incidents near polling booths.”

Enforcing the model code of conduct

The book further describes how Seshan waged a war against the tendency of politicians to flout the model code of conduct, which they were supposed to abide by. Polling was suspended in a Madhya Pradesh constituency as a serving governor campaigned for his son, ultimately leading to his resignation. In Uttar Pradesh, a minister was forced to quit the dais at a rally as the campaign period had just ended.

Above all, says the writer, Seshan harried politicians by constraining them to limit their election expenditure. This policy was executed vigorously from April 1996, when the Supreme Court accordingly mandated the Election Commission, which then ordered political parties to submit accounts of their expenditure after the elections.

We quote, “The Election Commission ultimately drew up a very strict model code of conduct. Parties could no longer take voters to polling stations; they were required to obtain the authorities’ permission before setting up camps where they traditionally helped voters find the candidates of their choice on facsimiles of the ballot paper, which, admittedly, is sometimes festooned with a hundred-odd names! To economise, the parties no longer printed copies of voters’ lists on which citizens could find their name before entering the polling station. The 1996 elections, unlike the preceding ones, were no longer marked by innumerable rallies, a plethora of posters, and the use of blaring mobile loudspeakers or video vans that one was accustomed to; the parties went back to door-to-door campaigning. While this newly introduced discipline cut back on the festive aspect of the elections, it also reduced the funding needs of parties, which was expected to impact the degree of corruption.”

TN Seshan’s popularity, says the writer, especially in urban areas, stemmed from his efforts to bring an increasingly decried political class to heel.

He says, “The trajectory of the Election Commission under TN Seshan shows that the effectiveness of institutions is highly dependent upon the personalities at their helm. The same institution may have very different attitudes if its chief is strong or weak, disinterested or preparing for his next (post-retirement?) office. Certainly, some institutions will be better equipped than others to resist pressure, but the character of its leader always plays a major role.”

And he leaves us with these thoughts to mull over, “Interestingly, when these personalities leave the scene, their legacy remains for some time, creating a form of path dependency, but equally strong men or women are needed for perpetuating a sense of the professional duty that is likely to fulfil the office’s mission. There’s no bureaucracy, there are only men and women.”

Verizon's McAdam: We have no near-term plans to sell the wireline business

Verizon's (NYSE: VZ) chief says that despite emerging rumors about the company's future, the telco has no intention of divesting any more of its wireline assets.

Speaking to investors during the Goldman Sachs 24th annual Communicopia Conference, Lowell McAdam, CEO of Verizon said he does not anticipate a sale anytime soon.  

"When people ask me, and I know there's some speculation that we might be interested in selling the wireline properties, I don't see it in the near-term," McAdam said.

Rumors that Verizon would sell off more wireline assets to Frontier have recently emerged as Verizon turned down funding from the second phase of the FCC's Connect America Fund (CAF-II). Frontier is currently moving forward with its $10.5 billion acquisition of Verizon's properties in California, Florida, and Texas.

Earlier this year, a financial analyst theorized that Altice, which just announced a deal to acquire Cablevision (NYSE: CVC), may be interested in purchasing Verizon's wireline assets as it furthers its own foothold in the U.S. video and wireline services market.

McAdam said that Verizon will focus on enhancing its existing Boston to Washington, D.C. wireline footprint after completing the sale of its wireline assets in three states to Frontier.

"I think there's lots of room within that Washington to Boston corridor to further penetrate where we already cover and if you can get the right relationships between what the local governments are looking for, what we're looking for and cooperation from our unions, I would not rule out some further expansion of FiOS, but you have to figure out the right formula," McAdam said. "It's a good asset with good returns and fits with the overall portfolio."

A big piece of Verizon's wireline focus going forward will be on enhancing FiOS broadband speeds, particularly as more customers cut the linear video cord and get their programming from over the top sources like Netflix (NASDAQ: NFLX) and Hulu.

By increasing broadband speeds to enable access to over the top services, Verizon hopes to address the so-called millennial generation. According to company estimates, 40 percent of millennials don't have a TV in their home, while another 20 percent have a TV but are thinking of cutting it. Instead, this group is either watching video on a mobile handset or digital media inside their home on a tablet or an OTT service.

What all this means it that from a wireline perspective customers are purchasing higher speed FiOS broadband services. Currently, Verizon offers symmetrical FiOS speeds from 25 Mbps up to 500 Mbps.

"We sell a lot of FiOS every year, but we're embracing the broadband service because that's where the market seems to be going," McAdam said. "We're offering higher speeds and we're selling a lot of 50 Mbps and we can easily do up to a Gig if we need to. We're also selling a lot of 150 Mbps packages to our customers today."

McAdam added that "we'll continue to support the linear TV for those customers that want it, but it's very clear that the market is moving towards broadband, skinnier bundles, and over the top."

Evidence of this trend was seen in its second quarter earnings results. During that period, Verizon reported that while it did add 26,000 FiOS TV customers that figure was down from the 100,000 it added during the previous year's quarter.

For more:- listen to the webcast (reg. req.)

Editor's Corner: Does Verizon's CAF-II refusal mean another wireline asset sale is coming?

Related articles:Verizon passes on $144M in CAF II funding as wireline asset sale rumors swirlNo strike yet: Verizon, CWA, IBEW unions to continue negotiations as contract expiresAT&T takes $427M in CAF II funding, sets plan to bring wireline, wireless broadband to 18 statesFrontier acquires Verizon wireline assets in 3 states for $10.5B



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IQN [1 Certification Exam(s) ]
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mySQL [4 Certification Exam(s) ]
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Vmware [58 Certification Exam(s) ]
Wonderlic [2 Certification Exam(s) ]
Worldatwork [2 Certification Exam(s) ]
XML-Master [3 Certification Exam(s) ]
Zend [6 Certification Exam(s) ]





References :


Dropmark : http://killexams.dropmark.com/367904/11576268
Wordpress : http://wp.me/p7SJ6L-K3
Issu : https://issuu.com/trutrainers/docs/650-331
Dropmark-Text : http://killexams.dropmark.com/367904/12094676
Blogspot : http://killexams-braindumps.blogspot.com/2017/11/where-can-i-get-help-to-pass-650-331.html
RSS Feed : http://feeds.feedburner.com/FreePass4sure650-331QuestionBank
Youtube : https://youtu.be/NGtPk22LiIc
weSRCH : https://www.wesrch.com/business/prpdfBU1HWO000JDJY
Google+ : https://plus.google.com/112153555852933435691/posts/6BN3xGi6T3K?hl=en
publitas.com : https://view.publitas.com/trutrainers-inc/never-miss-these-650-331-questions-before-you-go-for-test
Calameo : http://en.calameo.com/books/0049235263a8bd35c2d36
Box.net : https://app.box.com/s/mi2jras69k6rnputtfrbt0gt88nokrdh
zoho.com : https://docs.zoho.com/file/5pm6x3fa76a8c4cca4bb38a93492ab5efe8f3






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Cisco 650-331 Exam (SP Video Phase II Wireline) Detailed Information



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