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000-N13 - IBM Intelligent Operations Center Technical Mastery Test v1 - Dump Information

Vendor : IBM
Exam Code : 000-N13
Exam Name : IBM Intelligent Operations Center Technical Mastery Test v1
Questions and Answers : 31 Q & A
Updated On : April 17, 2019
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000-N13 Questions and Answers

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000-N13 IBM Intelligent Operations Center Technical Mastery Test v1

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Exam Questions Updated On :


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000-N13 exam Dumps Source : IBM Intelligent Operations Center Technical Mastery Test v1

Test Code : 000-N13
Test Name : IBM Intelligent Operations Center Technical Mastery Test v1
Vendor Name : IBM
Q&A : 31 Real Questions

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IBM IBM Intelligent Operations Center

IBM clever Operations middle for Emergency management | killexams.com Real Questions and Pass4sure dumps

IBM® Smarter Cities® Emergency administration options comprise various most excellent-of-breed applied sciences from IBM and IBM enterprise companions to handle the emergency administration challenges facing cities. These options assist cities in gathering, consolidating, examining, visualizing and distributing vital assistance amongst dissimilar corporations and first responders.


The department of Science & know-how and IBM Collaborate to build an clever Operations core for the Philippines | killexams.com Real Questions and Pass4sure dumps

MANILA, Philippines, may also 29, 2014 /PRNewswire/ -- The department of Science and know-how (DOST) and IBM (NYSE: IBM) these days unveiled a new clever operations center to deliver a primary point of command for catastrophe management. the new middle will assist the Philippine government better manipulate ongoing and future catastrophe response and recuperation efforts following hurricane Yolanda in 2013.

immediately following the typhoon, IBM donated an have an impact on grant of know-how and services. As a part of the supply, IBM, in collaboration with depended on company companions, delivered the IBM intelligent Operations core (IOC) with an integrated Communications device (ICS) with a view to facilitate more desirable and more coordinated disaster management efforts with the DOST and throughout quite a lot of government groups.

The integrated answer will pull records from disparate sources into a typical view, featuring emergency managers with vital advice reminiscent of develop warning for excessive climate activities, feedback from first responders on the variety of casualties and affected families, circumstance of buildings, roads, and infrastructure.  These distributed records sources deliver analytics and state of affairs planning to streamline and integrate the executive's response to disasters. moreover, the answer will enable advanced communications for first responders and emergency personnel. 

"building on a trusted, future relationship between IBM and our national govt, IBM acted rapidly to mobilize and launch an have an impact on furnish with two critical solutions: an intelligent Operations center for Emergency administration and an built-in Communications gadget," observed Secretary Mario Montejo, department of Science and expertise.  "IBM's grant comes with two years of aid, together with an IBM-led transition crew. this can be sure that we have the potential and knowledge needed to fully maximize the energy of this new expertise to make Filipinos safer and more resilient to hazards akin to Haiyan"

"in the wake of hurricane Yolanda, IBM teams within the US and Philippines identified each the enormity of the disaster and the possibility to deliver cutting edge expertise," referred to Mariels Almeda Winhoffer, President and nation everyday manager, IBM Philippines. "These solutions will address the govt's want for more desirable determination-making help and on the identical time, deliver a place to begin to superior manage future responses."

"IBM's have an effect on supply to the Philippine executive - one among 350 delivers we can award this yr - demonstrates our corporate commitment to offering creative know-how that may assist at all phases of disaster," talked about Stanley S. Litow, IBM vp, company Citizenship & company Affairs and President, IBM foundation.

the brand new facility, with an estimated market value of the grant is $three.5 million, is determined within the guidance and Communications expertise workplace (ICTO) building, Diliman, Quezon city, Philippines.

gain knowledge of extra about IBM Citizenship courses at www.ibm.com/accountability

Contact guidance

Owen CammayoExternal members of the family LeaderIBM Philippines, IncPhone: (+632) 995-2519Mobile: (+632) 917-888-6936cammayol@ph.ibm.com

Donna MattoonIBM CommunicationsCorporate Citizenship & corporate Affairs518-852-3113dbmattoo@us.ibm.com

logo - http://pictures.prnewswire.com/prnh/20090416/IBMLOGOPhoto - http://photos.prnewswire.com/prnh/20140528/92028

supply IBM

Copyright (C) 2014 PR Newswire. All rights reserved


IBM Applies Analytics to metropolis Operations; Helps construct Smarter Cities | killexams.com Real Questions and Pass4sure dumps

No effect discovered, are trying new keyword!ARMONK, N.Y., June 6, 2011 /PRNewswire/ -- IBM (NYSE: IBM) nowadays introduced the IBM intelligent Operations core for Smarter Cities, a new solution designed to assist cities of all sizes gain a holistic ...

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IBM Intelligent Operations Center Technical Mastery Test v1

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Automation and Technology Increase Living Standards | killexams.com real questions and Pass4sure dumps

Many Americans worry that automation will significantly reduce the need for human employees. Historical experience should help to alleviate many of these concerns. Technological advances have eliminated specific jobs and reduced prices, but the historical record shows this has left consumers with more money to spend elsewhere, increasing the demand for human labor in other sectors of the economy. Some prominent economists suggest that this time is different. They fear that advances in computer technology will substantially reduce the demand for human labor, especially less-skilled labor.

The data suggest that these concerns are similarly misplaced. Productivity growth has slowed over the past decade. The less-skilled employees who are often seen as endangered by automation have seen their employment and compensation grow at above-average rates. Automation is changing the type of work Americans do, but not the overall need for human labor. Technological progress continues to enable Americans to attain higher living standards.

Long-Standing Concerns

Many analysts fear that technological advances will soon make much human labor redundant.[1] They predict that many employers will soon lack productive tasks for less-skilled Americans. Historically, these concerns surface most often when cyclical unemployment is high. During the Great Depression, British economist John Maynard Keynes predicted impending mass “technological unemployment”:

In quite a few years—in our own lifetimes I mean—we may be able to perform all the operations of agriculture, mining, and manufacture with a quarter of the human effort to which we have been accustomed.…

…We are being afflicted with a new disease of which some readers may not yet have heard the name, but of which they will hear a great deal in the years to come—namely, technological unemployment. This means unemployment due to our discovery of means of economising the use of labour outrunning the pace at which we can find new uses for labour.[2]

After World War II, the American and British economies recovered and those fears subsided. They resurfaced in America again after the 1957 and 1960 recessions. In 1961, Time magazine reported:

How much has the rapid spread of technological change contributed to the current high of 5,400,000 out of work? Labor Secretary Arthur Goldberg last week set up a special group to find an answer. While no one has yet sorted out the jobs lost because of the overall drop in business from those lost through automation and other technological changes, many a labor expert tends to put much of the blame on automation.…

In the past, new industries hired far more people than those they put out of business. But this is not true of many of today’s new industries.... Today’s new industries have comparatively few jobs for the unskilled or semiskilled, just the class of workers whose jobs are being eliminated by automation.[3]

Shortly afterward, the economy began a prolonged expansion that raised incomes and created millions of new jobs. By 1968, the unemployment rate fell to 3.4 percent.

Lump of Labor Fallacy

Fears of mass technological unemployment are predicated on a “lump of labor” model of the economy—the belief the economy needs a roughly fixed amount of work performed.[4] In this economic model, machines automating work formerly done by people reduce the total amount of work remaining for humans, reducing total employment. Keynes forecast an impending crisis of unwanted leisure. He suggested future societies would establish three-hour workdays to give everyone enough work to avoid boredom.[5]

Almost all economists reject this model today. Economists have found that an almost unlimited amount of potential work exists in the economy because people’s material desires continue to expand. Virtually all Americans today enjoy material living standards vastly better than the wealthy of 1900. Nonetheless, most Americans today would purchase additional goods and services if they received a raise or bonus.

Automation does reduce the human labor needed to produce particular goods and services, but it also reduces production costs. Competition forces firms to pass these savings on to their customers through lower prices. These lower prices lead consumers to buy more of the now less-expensive product and leave them with more money to spend elsewhere, increasing the demand for labor in those sectors of the economy. The amount of work in the economy expands to use the available labor supply.

Economists strongly agree on this point. The University of Chicago recently asked a panel of prominent economists whether they agree that “advancing automation has not historically reduced employment in the United States.” Over three-fourths expressly agreed with that statement, and only one of the economists disagreed.[6]

America’s economic history illustrates how technology reallocates—but does not eliminate—human labor. In 1910, approximately one-third of all Americans worked on farms,[7] food was expensive, and the typical family spent almost half its budget on food. By 1960, technological advances such as the tractor had reduced the proportion of Americans working on farms to well under one-tenth.[8] This transition did not lead to mass unemployment. Instead, former farmhands began working in offices and factories. They enjoyed less expensive food and newly available manufactured goods.[9]

Since then the manufacturing sector has also found new ways to automate tasks. Between 1960 and 2014, the proportion of Americans working in factories fell by two-thirds even as output dramatically increased.[10] Former manufacturing workers moved into the service sector. They enjoyed even more affordable food, less expensive manufactured goods, and newly available services. As of 2003 the average family spent just one-eighth of its budget on food.[11]

Greater Living Standards

Technological progress enables employees to produce vastly more goods and services with their labor. This increases their compensation because competitive labor markets compel employers to pay employees proportionately to their productivity. Technological advances would only reduce aggregate employment if Americans stopped spending their increased earnings on new goods and services—something that has yet to happen.

 

Chart 1 illustrates this, showing average U.S. hourly labor productivity between 1973 and 2014. Over this period, technological advances enabled employees’ average hourly productivity to increase by 108 percent. During that time period, the average hourly compensation of American employees increased almost as much—85 percent.[12] Chart 1 also shows the employment-to-population ratio for prime-age workers (25-year-olds to 54-year-olds).[13] The huge increase in automation and technology had little effect on employment rates. Instead, employers found jobs for the millions of women who entered the labor force in the 1970s and 1980s. Historically, technological progress has increased wages with little effect on total employment.

Is This Time Different?

In the aftermath of the Great Recession, fears about automation have resurfaced. Most notably, MIT Professors Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee have raised these concerns. They and likeminded economists worry that advances in computer technology mean this time may be different. They believe technological advances will enable computers to eliminate most of the workforce. McAfee argues:

When I see what computers and robots can do right now, I project that forward for two, three more generations, I think we’re going to find ourselves in a world where the work as we currently think about it is largely done by machines.[14]

In particular, McAfee and Brynjolfsson worry about automation eliminating the jobs of unskilled and middle-skill employees. They agree technological progress creates opportunities for highly skilled employees who build and operate machines, but they fear that the economy will hold far fewer opportunities for less-skilled employees. As Brynjolfsson puts it:

There are lots of examples of routine, middle-skilled jobs that involve relatively structured tasks and those are the jobs that are being eliminated the fastest. Those kinds of jobs are easier for our friends in the artificial intelligence community to design robots to handle them.… [Technological advances are] always destroying jobs. But right now the pace is accelerating. It’s faster we think than ever before in history. So as a consequence, we are not creating jobs at the same pace that we need to.[15]

Labor market statistics do not support this concern. Productivity data show that the pace of automation has actually slowed in recent years. Over the past generation the earnings of less-skilled Americans have risen faster than the economy-wide average.

Slow Productivity Growth. Businesses do not appear to be automating human tasks at a faster rate than before. If they were, this would increase measured labor productivity growth. The Bureau of Labor Statistics estimates productivity by dividing U.S. economic output by the total hours worked in the economy. A substantial increase in the pace of automation would allow businesses to produce as many or more goods with fewer hours of human labor. This would appear in the labor statistics as faster productivity growth.

 

This has not happened. Chart 2 shows the year-over-year percent change in labor productivity for the non-farm business sector over the past four decades, as well as a four-year moving average that smooths annual fluctuations. Productivity growth increased noticeably in the late 1990s and the early 2000s. From 2003 onward, however, productivity growth trended downward. Average productivity jumped in 2009 as businesses going through layoffs tried to lay off their least productive employees. That surge immediately subsided. Since 2010, productivity has grown at an abnormally slow rate. In the most recent year of data, labor productivity actually fell 0.1 percent. Although employees are more productive now than in the past, overall productivity is increasing more slowly.

Concerns about rapidly accelerating computing power increasing productivity so much it reduces total employment are fears about a future possibility. Over the past decade, productivity growth has slowed even as computer power has increased exponentially.

The Earnings of Less-Skilled Employees Increase. Concerns about automation eliminating employment opportunities for less-skilled employees also do not show up in the data. Over the past generation their total compensation has increased rapidly.

The Congressional Budget Office measures total labor market compensation—cash wages, salaries, and non-cash benefits, such as health care and retirement contributions—for each quintile of the income distribution.[16] Chart 3 shows the percent growth in total inflation-adjusted labor compensation for non-elderly childless households between 1979 and 2011 (the most recent data available).[17]

 

Since 1979, labor market compensation grew the fastest in the top quintile of these households—up 69 percent. Contrary to popular impression, the next fastest growth in labor market compensation occurred in the bottom quintile. The average labor market compensation of households in the bottom fifth of non-elderly childless households grew 58 percent between 1979 and 2011—more than 25 percentage points faster than any of the middle three quintiles.

Chart 4 shows a similar dynamic at work. It comes from the research of MIT economist David Autor. The chart depicts income growth for the 10 major occupational groupings in the U.S. economy, with those occupations ranked from left to right by the required level of skills. This figure looks only at wages, not total household compensation. Consequently, it is not directly comparable with Chart 3. Nonetheless, it shows the same pattern of the fastest earnings growth occurring in high-skill and low-skill occupations, with slower wage growth in moderately skilled jobs.

 

Over the past generation, individuals at the bottom of the income distribution have seen their economic opportunities expand significantly. This is hard to reconcile with hypotheses that automation is eliminating the least-skilled employees’ jobs. Instead, it points to more complex effects of technological progress on the labor market.

Limits of Automation

Computers have both more and less power than most people perceive. Autor explains that machines are incredibly good at doing repetitive tasks that do not require any judgment or variation, such as calculating sums in an accounting spreadsheet or fitting a bolt in place on the assembly line. Computers typically do these tasks faster and more accurately than humans can. Employment has fallen rapidly in such “routine” occupations as automation has replaced human labor.

However, computers have great difficulty performing non-routine tasks. Although more fluid algorithms that take into account computer “learning” possibilities are being refined, computers still do what their program tells them to—and nothing else. Computer programmers must specify in detail every contingency that the machine might encounter. What often looks like computers adapting to their surroundings is in fact them following very detailed operating instructions.[18]

Consequently, computers cannot handle many non-routine activities that most people find straightforward. They are simply too complex for their programs to account for every possibility. For example, Autor points out that Amazon.com and other online retailers use human “pickers” to identify, retrieve, and pack the goods that they ship their customers. The shape and size of goods being shipped changes constantly from package to package. Amazon has not been able to develop robots that can perform these seemingly simple but not entirely routine tasks. Instead, online retailers use large numbers of robots to bring palettes of particular goods to their human employees. Humans do all the labor involved in handling individual items, then the robots move the palettes away.[19]

Even some of the apparent successes of automation are far less than they appear. Google’s advances in self-driving automobile technology have made headlines. However, the Google Car operates by comparing its location to very detailed maps of the road, street signs, and all known obstacles. Google employees must enter these data manually. The Google Car cannot operate over unfamiliar terrain. If it faces an unmapped road closure or detour, it shuts down and requires a human driver to take over. It will ignore newly erected stoplights not in its database. Google Cars have safely driven more than 700,000 miles—by driving over the same already mapped miles time and time again.[20] Computers can do routine tasks incredibly well, but struggle when confronted with non-routine work.

Labor Market Polarization

Autor’s research shows that this dynamic explains the counterintuitive pattern of compensation growth shown in Charts 3 and 4. Computers have automated many routine white collar and blue collar jobs. Excel spreadsheets and Outlook calendars have dramatically reduced the need for accountant and secretarial labor. Machines now do the work that was once performed by millions of manufacturing employees. These routine jobs tend to lie in the middle of the skill and income distribution. Non-routine tasks tend to lie at the top and bottom of the income distribution. As a result, employment demand and, consequently, earnings have risen more rapidly in non-routine jobs, particularly in the service sector.[21]

 

Chart 5, reproduced from David Autor’s research, illustrates how increased automation has affected employment patterns. Since the late 1970s, employment has grown rapidly in high-skilled non-routine jobs, such as professional and technical occupations. It has grown rapidly in low-skill non-routine jobs, such as food preparation and personal care. Yet employment has grown more slowly—or contracted—in routine occupations requiring moderate skill levels, such as manufacturing or administrative record-keeping jobs. These are precisely the jobs that machines can perform.

Many on the left blame the slower growth of middle-income jobs on U.S. policies. They point in particular to insufficiently pro-union labor laws.[22] However, Autor’s research shows that this is a global phenomenon. Relative employment in middle-skill jobs has shrunk in nearly every developed country. Chart 6 comes from Autor’s research and shows changes in low-skill, middle-skill, and high-skill employment for 16 European Union countries between 1993 and 2010. In almost every country, relative employment increased in high-skill and low-skill jobs and decreased in middle-skill jobs. Most of these EU nations have far higher taxes and far stronger unions than the U.S. does. Nonetheless, they experienced the same employment patterns. This evidence points to factors, such as technological advances and globalization, that cut across national boundaries and public policy choices. Robots have not eliminated work, but they have somewhat changed the types of jobs that humans do.

 

Technology Can Increase the Need for Human Labor

The relationship between technological progress and jobs is more complex than computers simply eliminating routine work. Many jobs incorporate both routine and non-routine tasks. Employees in these jobs do not necessarily need to fear automation. By eliminating routine tasks technological advances reduce the time and cost of completing their work. This increases output and can leave the overall need for human labor unchanged or even increased.

The construction industry demonstrates this effect. Technology has made today’s construction workers vastly more productive than their predecessors two generations ago. Cranes and backhoes have replaced shovels and elbow grease, but those machines need human operators. Too many unpredictable events take place on a construction site to allow computers to operate the equipment autonomously. The lower cost of constructing buildings has also dramatically increased the quantity of construction work demanded. As a result, total construction employment has remained a relatively constant share of the overall workforce since the mid-1940s. From 1946 onward, construction employment has never constituted less than 4 percent or more than 6 percent of the U.S. workforce, despite enormous technological progress.

A more modern example of this phenomenon comes from restaurant tablets. Applebee’s, Chili’s, and other casual restaurants have installed tabletop tablets for customers to order and pay for their food. The new technology might reduce payrolls by allowing each server to cover more tables. However, the tablets also boost sales. Customers are more likely to order appetizers and desserts when the tablets constantly display them. The ability to pay immediately also cuts the average meal time by about five minutes. Consequently, tablet-equipped restaurants can serve more patrons during busy periods. This increases demand for employees who cook the food to order, appetizingly plate it, interact with customers, and bus the tables afterward.[23]

Whether or not these tablets will reduce the total need for human labor remains unclear. Applebee’s announced that it has not reduced total staffing since introducing the tablets.[24] Furthermore, tablets also increase tips by setting the default option to 20 percent, boosting servers’ take-home pay. Automation will change—but not eliminate—many jobs that combine routine and non-routine tasks.

Future Developments

Historical experience shows that individuals respond to technological changes by finding new jobs, typically jobs that pay more than before automation was introduced. However, technology will probably eliminate some existing occupations. Programmers will almost certainly learn how to render “routine” many tasks computers cannot currently handle. Many jobs that once appeared out of reach for automation are now being performed by machines:

  • Cleaning hotel rooms has long required human labor, supplemented by technology such as vacuum cleaners and washing machines. The tasks of making a bed or removing dirty laundry from the floor were sufficiently non-routine to frustrate attempts to automate them. However, a soon-to-open Japanese hotel will use robots to perform reception duties, carry luggage, and clean rooms. The hotel will charge $60 a night.[25]
  • Engineers have invented a machine that cooks 360 gourmet hamburgers an hour. The Alpha custom grills hamburger patties to order, sears the outside to maximize flavor, and cooks them in an internal oven. It then adds freshly sliced toppings and the desired condiments, places the cooked burger in a bun, and bags it. Humans only stock the ingredients and perform maintenance. The Alpha could save the typical fast food restaurant more than $100,000 per year in labor costs. The inventors are currently prototyping it at individual restaurants.[26]
  • Computers have begun writing routine news articles. Many events occur with little variation in the structure needed to report on them, such as economic news releases and sports events. Computer algorithms now analyze pertinent information for readers and translate it into prose. For example, Forbes.com uses such algorithms to summarize corporate earnings announcements. Computers cannot handle more complex stories and are unlikely to develop that ability, but they can summarize regularly recurring events well.[27]
  • IBM’s Watson computer is so sophisticated that it can detect correlations among research papers that human researchers have yet to discover. For example, in the field of cancer research, Watson analyzed more than 70,000 academic articles in 2014, leading to the discovery of six proteins that should be targeted for new research. One scientist noted that Watson made connections that he would have needed 38 years to make and only by reading five academic papers per day.[28] By making these types of groundbreaking causal links, Watson has demonstrated a marked technological advancement. However, it represents technology’s ability to find connections quicker than humans, not an ability to generate original research and new ideas.
  • Technological advancements like these will reshape the way that millions of employees do their jobs. Some jobs will disappear, but new tasks—primarily non-routine tasks—will replace jobs that have been automated. Such changes do not happen instantaneously, and most people will have time to adapt. Those who cannot adapt could be hurt, but automation will lower prices and raise living standards in the economy overall. Most Americans will prosper as a result.

    Responding to Technological Innovation

    Technological innovation will continue. Policymakers should respond to these challenges by promoting policies that make it easier for Americans to find new jobs.

    For example, one-third of jobs in the economy require a government license.[29] In some occupations this makes sense. Few customers would want an untrained pharmacist filling their prescription. Yet in many other occupations public safety does not require stringent licensing; it primarily exists to restrict access to a profession. For example, every state licenses barbers, requiring an average of more than a year of training before prospective barbers can cut hair.[30] These requirements have no obvious safety rationale: A bad haircut threatens no one’s life. Such excessive licensing makes it difficult for employees who lose their jobs to automation to switch occupations. State legislatures should restrict mandatory licensing to occupations with serious health and safety considerations. Potential cosmetologists, florists, interior designers, bartenders, and drywall installers should not need the government’s permission to change careers. Reducing these artificial barriers would make it easier for employees to adapt in a changing economy.

    State and federal policymakers can also make it easier for employees to switch jobs by eliminating unnecessary paper credentials for government positions. The K–12 education system is a large employer and continues to use paper credentials, such as master’s degrees, to structure compensation and determine access to the classroom. States should make it easier to enter the classroom by removing barriers to entry such as teacher certification requirements, but evaluate teachers more rigorously once they are in the classroom.

    Education Reforms

    Beyond helping individuals switch jobs, policymakers should reform the education system to help tomorrow’s employees gain the skills necessary to work in higher-paying non-routine jobs. Policymakers can do this in several ways.

    States should move toward competency-based learning for both K–12 and higher education. Competency-based learning enables students to progress in their education as soon as they can demonstrate content mastery, instead of using seat time as a proxy for learning. It also enables students with professional experience or training to test out of courses and expedite their entry into the workforce.

    Public policy reforms are needed to allow innovation to flourish in high schools, colleges, and career and technical fields. One of the keys to unlocking innovation is to get the federal government out of the higher education accreditation business and to hand that responsibility back to the market. The current regulatory barriers make it prohibitively expensive for most potential new education institutions to teach students. To foster a competitive marketplace of higher education content providers—be it academic or career-technical—federal policymakers should free the higher education regulatory environment so that businesses, industry, nonprofits, and colleges and universities can deliver content to prospective students from all walks of life to give them the skills needed to be successful in an ever-changing economy.

    Specifically, Congress should decouple federal financing (federal student loans and grants) from accreditation and enable states to allow any entity to accredit and credential courses. Senator Mike Lee (R–UT) and Representative Ron DeSantis (R–FL) have introduced companion proposals known as the Higher Education Reform and Opportunity Act (H.R. 1287 and S. 649), which would allow states to determine who can accredit and credential courses and, importantly, would allow individual courses to be credentialed. Reforms to remove the “gatekeeper” function of accreditation could also be achieved by amending the Higher Education Act to decouple federal financing from accreditation. As Senator Lee explains:

    [A]ccreditation could also be available to specialized programs, individual courses, apprenticeships, professional credentialing, and even competency-based tests. States could accredit online courses, or hybrid models with elements on- and off-campus… businesses, and trade groups could start to accredit courses and programs tailored to their evolving needs. Churches and charities could enlist qualified volunteers to offer accredited classes and training for next to nothing.[31]

    The current regulatory system stifles innovation and makes it harder for individuals outside the traditional college demographic to improve their skills. Such reforms would make higher education less bureaucratic and more responsive to individual’s needs.

    Conclusion

    Automation reduces both labor costs and prices. Lower prices leave customers with more money to spend elsewhere, increasing the demand for labor elsewhere in the economy. Automation changes where and how people work, but it has not historically reduced the overall need for human employees.

    Little empirical evidence suggests this time is different. Productivity growth slowed over the past decade after increasing in the late 1990s. The wages of the lowest-earning employees have also increased rapidly over the past generation. Instead of eliminating human labor, technological advances are reducing the need for humans in routine jobs and increasing the need in non-routine jobs. This pattern has occurred in America and around the world.

    Policymakers should respond to these changes by making it easier for displaced workers to switch jobs, such as by relaxing occupational licensing requirements and moving toward policies that allow for a more nimble K–12 and higher education system to flourish.

    —James Sherk is Research Fellow in Labor Economics in the Center for Data Analysis, of the Institute for Economic Freedom and Opportunity, at The Heritage Foundation. Lindsey M. Burke is the Will Skillman Fellow in Education Policy in the Institute for Family, Community, and Opportunity at The Heritage Foundation.


    America's Next Quest for Domination | killexams.com real questions and Pass4sure dumps

    It's 2025 and an American "triple canopy" of advanced surveillance and armed drones fills the heavens from the lower- to the exo-atmosphere. A wonder of the modern age, it can deliver its weaponry anywhere on the planet with staggering speed, knock out an enemy's satellite communications system, or follow individuals biometrically for great distances. Along with the country's advanced cyberwar capacity, it's also the most sophisticated militarized information system ever created and an insurance policy for U.S. global dominion deep into the twenty-first century. It's the future as the Pentagon imagines it; it's under development; and Americans know nothing about it.

    They are still operating in another age. "Our Navy is smaller now than at any time since 1917," complained Republican candidate Mitt Romney during the last presidential debate.

    With words of withering mockery, President Obama shot back: "Well, Governor, we also have fewer horses and bayonets, because the nature of our military's changed... the question is not a game of Battleship, where we're counting ships. It's what are our capabilities."

    Obama later offered just a hint of what those capabilities might be: "What I did was work with our joint chiefs of staff to think about, what are we going to need in the future to make sure that we are safe?... We need to be thinking about cyber security. We need to be talking about space."

    Amid all the post-debate media chatter, however, not a single commentator seemed to have a clue when it came to the profound strategic changes encoded in the president's sparse words. Yet for the past four years, working in silence and secrecy, the Obama administration has presided over a technological revolution in defense planning, moving the nation far beyond bayonets and battleships to cyberwarfare and the full-scale weaponization of space. In the face of waning economic influence, this bold new breakthrough in what's called "information warfare" may prove significantly responsible should U.S. global dominion somehow continue far into the twenty-first century.

    While the technological changes involved are nothing less than revolutionary, they have deep historical roots in a distinctive style of American global power. It's been evident from the moment this nation first stepped onto the world stage with its conquest of the Philippines in 1898. Over the span of a century, plunged into three Asian crucibles of counterinsurgency -- in the Philippines, Vietnam, and Afghanistan -- the U.S. military has repeatedly been pushed to the breaking point. It has repeatedly responded by fusing the nation's most advanced technologies into new information infrastructures of unprecedented power.

    That military first created a manual information regime for Philippine pacification, then a computerized apparatus to fight communist guerrillas in Vietnam. Finally, during its decade-plus in Afghanistan (and its years in Iraq), the Pentagon has begun to fuse biometrics, cyberwarfare, and a potential future triple canopy aerospace shield into a robotic information regime that could produce a platform of unprecedented power for the exercise of global dominion -- or for future military disaster.

    America's First Information Revolution

    This distinctive U.S. system of imperial information gathering (and the surveillance and war-making practices that go with it) traces its origins to some brilliant American innovations in the management of textual, statistical, and visual data. Their sum was nothing less than a new information infrastructure with an unprecedented capacity for mass surveillance.

    During two extraordinary decades, American inventions like Thomas Alva Edison's quadruplex telegraph (1874), Philo Remington's commercial typewriter (1874), Melvil Dewey's library decimal system (1876), and Herman Hollerith's patented punch card (1889) created synergies that led to the militarized application of America's first information revolution. To pacify a determined guerrilla resistance that persisted in the Philippines for a decade after 1898, the U.S. colonial regime -- unlike European empires with their cultural studies of "Oriental civilizations" -- used these advanced information technologies to amass detailed empirical data on Philippine society. In this way, they forged an Argus-eyed security apparatus that played a major role in crushing the Filipino nationalist movement. The resulting colonial policing and surveillance system would also leave a lasting institutional imprint on the emerging American state.

    When the U.S. entered World War I in 1917, the "father of U.S. military intelligence" Colonel Ralph Van Deman drew upon security methods he had developed years before in the Philippines to found the Army's Military Intelligence Division. He recruited a staff that quickly grew from one (himself) to 1,700, deployed some 300,000 citizen-operatives to compile more than a million pages of surveillance reports on American citizens, and laid the foundations for a permanent domestic surveillance apparatus.

    A version of this system rose to unparalleled success during World War II when Washington established the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) as the nation's first worldwide espionage agency. Among its nine branches, Research & Analysis recruited a staff of nearly 2,000 academics who amassed 300,000 photographs, a million maps, and three million file cards, which they deployed in an information system via "indexing, cross-indexing, and counter-indexing" to answer countless tactical questions.

    Yet by early 1944, the OSS found itself, in the words of historian Robin Winks, "drowning under the flow of information." Many of the materials it had so carefully collected were left to molder in storage, unread and unprocessed. Despite its ambitious global reach, this first U.S. information regime, absent technological change, might well have collapsed under its own weight, slowing the flow of foreign intelligence that would prove so crucial for America's exercise of global dominion after World War II.

    Computerizing Vietnam

    Under the pressures of a never-ending war in Vietnam, those running the U.S. information infrastructure turned to computerized data management, launching a second American information regime. Powered by the most advanced IBM mainframe computers, the U.S. military compiled monthly tabulations of security in all of South Vietnam's 12,000 villages and filed the three million enemy documents its soldiers captured annually on giant reels of bar-coded film. At the same time, the CIA collated and computerized diverse data on the communist civilian infrastructure as part of its infamous Phoenix Program. This, in turn, became the basis for its systematic tortures and 41,000 "extra-judicial executions" (which, based on disinformation from petty local grudges and communist counterintelligence, killed many but failed to capture more than a handfull of top communist cadres).

    Most ambitiously, the U.S. Air Force spent $800 million a year to lace southern Laos with a network of 20,000 acoustic, seismic, thermal, and ammonia-sensitive sensors to pinpoint Hanoi's truck convoys coming down the Ho Chi Minh Trail under a heavy jungle canopy. The information these provided was then gathered on computerized systems for the targeting of incessant bombing runs. After 100,000 North Vietnamese troops passed right through this electronic grid undetected with trucks, tanks, and heavy artillery to launch the Nguyen Hue Offensive in 1972, the U.S. Pacific Air Force pronounced this bold attempt to build an "electronic battlefield" an unqualified failure.

    In this pressure cooker of what became history's largest air war, the Air Force also accelerated the transformation of a new information system that would rise to significance three decades later: the Firebee target drone. By war's end, it had morphed into an increasingly agile unmanned aircraft that would make 3,500 top-secret surveillance sorties over China, North Vietnam, and Laos. By 1972, the SC/TV drone, with a camera in its nose, was capable of flying 2,400 miles while navigating via a low-resolution television image.

    On balance, all this computerized data helped foster the illusion that American "pacification" programs in the countryside were winning over the inhabitants of Vietnam's villages, and the delusion that the air war was successfully destroying North Vietnam's supply effort. Despite a dismal succession of short-term failures that helped deliver a soul-searing blow to American power, all this computerized data-gathering proved a seminal experiment, even if its advances would not become evident for another 30 years until the U.S. began creating a third -- robotic -- information regime.

    The Global War on Terror

    As it found itself at the edge of defeat in the attempted pacification of two complex societies, Afghanistan and Iraq, Washington responded in part by adapting new technologies of electronic surveillance, biometric identification, and drone warfare -- all of which are now melding into what may become an information regime far more powerful and destructive than anything that has come before.

    After six years of a failing counterinsurgency effort in Iraq, the Pentagon discovered the power of biometric identification and electronic surveillance to pacify the country's sprawling cities. It then built a biometric database with more than a million Iraqi fingerprints and iris scans that U.S. patrols on the streets of Baghdad could access instantaneously by satellite link to a computer center in West Virginia.

    When President Obama took office and launched his "surge," escalating the U.S. war effort in Afghanistan, that country became a new frontier for testing and perfecting such biometric databases, as well as for full-scale drone war in both that country and the Pakistani tribal borderlands, the latest wrinkle in a technowar already loosed by the Bush administration. This meant accelerating technological developments in drone warfare that had largely been suspended for two decades after the Vietnam War.

    Launched as an experimental, unarmed surveillance aircraft in 1994, the Predator drone was first deployed in 2000 for combat surveillance under the CIA's "Operation Afghan Eyes." By 2011, the advanced MQ-9 Reaper drone, with "persistent hunter killer" capabilities, was heavily armed with missiles and bombs as well as sensors that could read disturbed dirt at 5,000 feet and track footprints back to enemy installations. Indicating the torrid pace of drone development, between 2004 and 2010 total flying time for all unmanned vehicles rose from just 71 hours to 250,000 hours.

    By 2009, the Air Force and the CIA were already deploying a drone armada of at least 195 Predators and 28 Reapers inside Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan -- and it's only grown since. These collected and transmitted 16,000 hours of video daily, and from 2006-2012 fired hundreds of Hellfire missiles that killed an estimated 2,600 supposed insurgents inside Pakistan's tribal areas. Though the second-generation Reaper drones might seem stunningly sophisticated, one defense analyst has called them "very much Model T Fords." Beyond the battlefield, there are now some 7,000 drones in the U.S. armada of unmanned aircraft, including 800 larger missile-firing drones. By funding its own fleet of 35 drones and borrowing others from the Air Force, the CIA has moved beyond passive intelligence collection to build a permanent robotic paramilitary capacity.

    In the same years, another form of information warfare came, quite literally, online. Over two administrations, there has been continuity in the development of a cyberwarfare capability at home and abroad. Starting in 2002, President George W. Bush illegally authorized the National Security Agency to scan countless millions of electronic messages with its top-secret "Pinwale" database. Similarly, the FBI started an Investigative Data Warehouse that, by 2009, held a billion individual records.

    Under Presidents Bush and Obama, defensive digital surveillance has grown into an offensive "cyberwarfare" capacity, which has already been deployed against Iran in history's first significant cyberwar. In 2009, the Pentagon formed U.S. Cyber Command (CYBERCOM), with headquarters at Ft. Meade, Maryland, and a cyberwarfare center at Lackland Air Base in Texas, staffed by 7,000 Air Force employees. Two years later, it declared cyberspace an "operational domain" like air, land, or sea, and began putting its energy into developing a cadre of cyber-warriors capable of launching offensive operations, such as a variety of attacks on the computerized centrifuges in Iran's nuclear facilities and Middle Eastern banks handling Iranian money.

    A Robotic Information Regime

    As with the Philippine Insurrection and the Vietnam War, the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan have served as the catalyst for a new information regime, fusing aerospace, cyberspace, biometrics, and robotics into an apparatus of potentially unprecedented power. In 2012, after years of ground warfare in both countries and the continuous expansion of the Pentagon budget, the Obama administration announced a leaner future defense strategy. It included a 14% cut in future infantry strength to be compensated for by an increased emphasis on investments in the dominions of outer space and cyberspace, particularly in what the administration calls "critical space-based capabilities."

    By 2020, this new defense architecture should theoretically be able to integrate space, cyberspace, and terrestrial combat through robotics for -- so the claims go -- the delivery of seamless information for lethal action. Significantly, both space and cyberspace are new, unregulated domains of military conflict, largely beyond international law. And Washington hopes to use both, without limitation, as Archimedean levers to exercise new forms of global dominion far into the twenty-first century, just as the British Empire once ruled from the seas and the Cold War American imperium exercised its global reach via airpower.

    As Washington seeks to surveil the globe from space, the world might well ask: Just how high is national sovereignty? Absent any international agreement about the vertical extent of sovereign airspace (since a conference on international air law, convened in Paris in 1910, failed), some puckish Pentagon lawyer might reply: only as high as you can enforce it. And Washington has filled this legal void with a secret executive matrix -- operated by the CIA and the clandestine Special Operations Command -- that assigns names arbitrarily, without any judicial oversight, to a classified "kill list" that means silent, sudden death from the sky for terror suspects across the Muslim world.

    Although U.S. plans for space warfare remain highly classified, it is possible to assemble the pieces of this aerospace puzzle by trolling the Pentagon's websites, and finding many of the key components in technical descriptions at the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA). As early as 2020, the Pentagon hopes to patrol the entire globe ceaselessly, relentlessly via a triple canopy space shield reaching from stratosphere to exosphere, driven by drones armed with agile missiles, linked by a resilient modular satellite system, monitored through a telescopic panopticon, and operated by robotic controls.

    At the lowest tier of this emerging U.S. aerospace shield, within striking distance of Earth in the lower stratosphere, the Pentagon is building an armada of 99 Global Hawk drones equipped with high-resolution cameras capable of surveilling all terrain within a 100-mile radius, electronic sensors to intercept communications, efficient engines for continuous 24-hour flights, and eventually Triple Terminator missiles to destroy targets below. By late 2011, the Air Force and the CIA had already ringed the Eurasian land mass with a network of 60 bases for drones armed with Hellfire missiles and GBU-30 bombs, allowing air strikes against targets just about anywhere in Europe, Africa, or Asia.

    The sophistication of the technology at this level was exposed in December 2011 when one of the CIA's RQ-170 Sentinels came down in Iran. Revealed was a bat-winged drone equipped with radar-evading stealth capacity, active electronically scanned array radar, and advanced optics "that allow operators to positively identify terror suspects from tens of thousands of feet in the air."

    If things go according to plan, in this same lower tier at altitudes up to 12 miles unmanned aircraft such as the "Vulture," with solar panels covering its massive 400-foot wingspan, will be patrolling the globe ceaselessly for up to five years at a time with sensors for "unblinking" surveillance, and possibly missiles for lethal strikes. Establishing the viability of this new technology, NASA's solar-powered aircraft Pathfinder, with a 100-foot wingspan, reached an altitude of 71,500 feet altitude in 1997, and its fourth-generation successor the "Helios" flew at 97,000 feet with a 247-foot wingspan in 2001, two miles higher than any previous aircraft.

    For the next tier above the Earth, in the upper stratosphere, DARPA and the Air Force are collaborating in the development of the Falcon Hypersonic Cruise Vehicle. Flying at an altitude of 20 miles, it is expected to "deliver 12,000 pounds of payload at a distance of 9,000 nautical miles from the continental United States in less than two hours." Although the first test launches in April 2010 and August 2011 crashed midflight, they did reach an amazing 13,000 miles per hour, 22 times the speed of sound, and sent back "unique data" that should help resolve remaining aerodynamic problems.

    At the outer level of this triple-tier aerospace canopy, the age of space warfare dawned in April 2010 when the Pentagon quietly launched the X-37B space drone, an unmanned craft just 29 feet long, into an orbit 250 miles above the Earth. By the time its second prototype landed at Vandenberg Air Force Base in June 2012 after a 15-month flight, this classified mission represented a successful test of "robotically controlled reusable spacecraft" and established the viability of unmanned space drones in the exosphere.

    At this apex of the triple canopy, 200 miles above Earth where the space drones will soon roam, orbital satellites are the prime targets, a vulnerability that became obvious in 2007 when China used a ground-to-air missile to shoot down one of its own satellites. In response, the Pentagon is now developing the F-6 satellite system that will "decompose a large monolithic spacecraft into a group of wirelessly linked elements, or nodes [that increases] resistance to... a bad part breaking or an adversary attacking." And keep in mind that the X-37B has a capacious cargo bay to carry missiles or future laser weaponry to knock out enemy satellites -- in other words, the potential capability to cripple the communications of a future military rival like China, which will have its own global satellite system operational by 2020.

    Ultimately, the impact of this third information regime will be shaped by the ability of the U.S. military to integrate its array of global aerospace weaponry into a robotic command structure that would be capable of coordinating operations across all combat domains: space, cyberspace, sky, sea, and land. To manage the surging torrent of information within this delicately balanced triple canopy, the system would, in the end, have to become self-maintaining through "robotic manipulator technologies," such as the Pentagon's FREND system that someday could potentially deliver fuel, provide repairs, or reposition satellites.

    For a new global optic, DARPA is building the wide-angle Space Surveillance Telescope (SST), which could be sited at bases ringing the globe for a quantum leap in "space surveillance." The system would allow future space warriors to see the whole sky wrapped around the entire planet while seated before a single screen, making it possible to track every object in Earth orbit.

    Operation of this complex worldwide apparatus will require, as one DARPA official explained in 2007, "an integrated collection of space surveillance systems -- an architecture -- that is leak-proof." Thus, by 2010, the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency had 16,000 employees, a $5 billion budget, and a massive $2 billion headquarters at Fort Belvoir, Virginia, with 8,500 staffers wrapped in electronic security -- all aimed at coordinating the flood of surveillance data pouring in from Predators, Reapers, U-2 spy planes, Global Hawks, X-37B space drones, Google Earth, Space Surveillance Telescopes, and orbiting satellites. By 2020 or thereafter -- such a complex techno-system is unlikely to respect schedules -- this triple canopy should be able to atomize a single "terrorist" with a missile strike after tracking his eyeball, facial image, or heat signature for hundreds of miles through field and favela, or blind an entire army by knocking out all ground communications, avionics, and naval navigation.

    Technological Dominion or Techno-Disaster?

    Peering into the future, a still uncertain balance of forces offers two competing scenarios for the continuation of U.S. global power. If all or much goes according to plan, sometime in the third decade of this century the Pentagon will complete a comprehensive global surveillance system for Earth, sky, and space using robotics to coordinate a veritable flood of data from biometric street-level monitoring, cyber-data mining, a worldwide network of Space Surveillance Telescopes, and triple canopy aeronautic patrols. Through agile data management of exceptional power, this system might allow the United States a veto of global lethality, an equalizer for any further loss of economic strength.

    However, as in Vietnam, history offers some pessimistic parallels when it comes to the U.S. preserving its global hegemony by militarized technology alone. Even if this robotic information regime could somehow check China's growing military power, the U.S. might still have the same chance of controlling wider geopolitical forces with aerospace technology as the Third Reich had of winning World War II with its "super weapons" -- V-2 rockets that rained death on London and Messerschmitt Me-262 jets that blasted allied bombers from Europe's skies. Complicating the future further, the illusion of information omniscience might incline Washington to more military misadventures akin to Vietnam or Iraq, creating the possibility of yet more expensive, draining conflicts, from Iran to the South China Sea.

    If the future of America's world power is shaped by actual events rather than long-term economic trends, then its fate might well be determined by which comes first in this century-long cycle: military debacle from the illusion of technological mastery, or a new technological regime powerful enough to perpetuate U.S. global dominion.


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